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I'm going to talk about the current state of aggregate economics. I'm not going to be presenting scientific results.

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I'm focusing this discussion on the young economist. This is a great time in aggregate economics.

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So much has been learned in recent years, so much is being learned but more important so much remains to be learned.

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And when you young economists, as one of you have already, figured things out, I expect you to educate me.

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When I use aggregate economics, why I use aggregate economics and not macroeconomics,

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well macroeconomics I see as a serious but failed science. It was largely separated from economics in the '50's and '60's.

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The core of macroeconomics is the empirically determined dynamic system governing the evolution

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of the national income and product statistics.

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The view was that the economic foundations of the empirically determined dynamic systems would subsequently be developed.

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This was not to be. The Lucas critique, it's inconsistent with the dynamic economic theory.

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The existence of policy invariant laws of motions, questions of what should you do now, what will happen

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if you do this or that now are not well posed economic questions.

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By the way I don't use microeconomics either, there's just economics.

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And there's so much interaction between people working in all kinds of different areas of substantive interest.

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What we should share is common tools.

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And the results in financial and labour and others restrict the models that we use to, I don't know, evaluate a tax policy rule.

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It seems like the logical thing to do but it was somewhat radical when Finn Kydland

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and I used the aggregate growth model to study business cycles. The growth model is not part of macroeconomics.

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It was part of microeconomics, what they called microeconomics in yesteryear.

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By the way there is one person who is a little bit away ahead of his time,

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they call him the father of modern finance Merton Miller, but he's also using that growth model to study aggregate economics.

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He was not happy with the old theory when he tried to teach macro at the university of Chicago business school.

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So he wrote a book, I think it's the Neo Classical Growth Model in Macroeconomics or some title close to that with Charles Upton.

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What have we learned about business cycles, using the growth model? Well to answer that let's look at some statistics or a plot.

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Let's look at the last 50 years of fluctuations in the United States. These are population corrected.

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I always use working age population and as a proxy for working age population I use people aged 16 to 64,

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it's not a perfect proxy. I always correct for trend.

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There's been a constant secular growth of nearly 2% a year in living standards due to growth in productivity.

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There's been this accumulation of knowledge. This results in a doubling of living standards every generation.

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I tell my kids how much better off they are than I was when I was a kid

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and I tell them how much better off their kids are than when they were a kid.

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Here you see the fluctuations from the '59 to nearly 2009.

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You see fluctuations, why, these are deviations from trend, the flat line is trend growth,

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living standards doubling every generation.  The big expansion in the '60's, well we now can identify what gave rise to that.

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Turned out to be productivity. That was an error, a major innovation in the United States.

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Jet airplanes, mainframe computers, the chemical industry, spectacular advances.

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And the interstate highway system that dramatically reduced transportation costs.

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The longest expansion was in the '80's and we know that that was tax rate cut driven.

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And the recovery of productivity growth. Finn and I didn't have taxes in our model but we estimated up to 1980,

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so we would have been way off having abstracted from taxes in that period.

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The biggest recession, my recessions are definition, the MBR uses the 0% trend

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and they used all kinds of judgement and they all use the highly preliminary statistics.

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They're done on a real time basis. And the statistics that come in later for GDP are a lot different.

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They may find an extra 5 million workers in the censuses of households that are every 10 years or every 5 years for businesses.

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And a few years later you see the major revisions. The recent recession in 2008/2009 with the revised statistics of GDP,

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incorporating some of the census information and new benchmarks, is not looking so puzzling.

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One of the things that surprised me was that, well that it seemed to be that the financial crisis

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and monitory factors didn't play much of a role, they play a big role in filling up space in newspapers.

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But the quantitative models showing that they have, using them to account,

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there's just not much residual in the models that abstract from these features of reality.

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One of the major themes that is exciting developments in recent years is the model economies are restricted

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by both individual and aggregate observations.

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It used to be, well there's just some laws, emotion in using aggregate only and any theorist would say

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thou shall not touch a number, that was a taboo in the old days. And they used to say I can explain anything.

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By the way using general equilibrium theory you can. Some animal spirits or something of that sort.

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That would preference shocks in the Arrow-Debreu state contingent, I should say event contingent on language.

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What were Finn and I trying to do was to come up with a propagation mechanism for monitory shocks.

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Wicksell and Frisch, the great, I guess one is a Swede, one is a Norwegian, economist, emphasised this propagation.

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Finn and I were both out of the operations research tradition.

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So we were naturally quantitative and used the computers early when it was not so easy as it is today.

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We worried about the numbers, how big things were.

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In this time to build, the question is how long did it take to build the new office building,

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how big were office buildings as expenditures in this field.

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So we put those restrictions on sort of the value put in place in the construction industry.

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We insisted that the aggregate assumptions be consistent with individual observations.

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These individual observations restricted the aggregate model.

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Our basic finding, that if the aggregate household had high labour supply, elasticity, notice I bold faced aggregate.

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It's going to be analogous to aggregate production function. Productivity shocks are persistent with the given variants.

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Then a predication of the growth model as the economy will display business cycle fluctuations of the nature observed.

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By the way time to build turned out to be relatively unimportant as shown by Garry Hanson,

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who wrote that beautiful strip down version of the model that captured all the essential features.

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The productivity shocks had to be persistent, well we could look at these residuals

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to the aggregate production function and they were. And the variant was of the appropriate size.

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We said that these factors in this period of I think '54 to '80 accounted for 70% of the variants.

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We used variants measure rather than standard deviation because 85 would have sounded too big, percent.

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But if factors or orthogonal variances add and if 70% leaves a lot, if there was no productivity shocks,

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it would still be as 50% as variable. That's just the way variances work.

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People were understandably bothered that the variance was so large.

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The growth of the stock of useful knowledge is relatively smooth.

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Lots of people are doing this and occasionally there's a small burst of technologies we found but not as big.

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And then we see these, we saw these huge differences in productivity across countries,

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that accounts for virtually all the difference in living standards over time and across countries.

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Productivity is used to residually measure the performance of the regulatory

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and legal institutions governing the business sector and not just change in the stock of knowledge.

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We have the first source, be country specific, the second source is common.

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As I said most difference in, due to differences in productivity. I emphasise this aggregate labour supply elasticity is big.

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Prediction of aggregation theory are that the aggregate elasticity will be much greater

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than the individual elasticity of the people being aggregated under certain conditions and equal under others.

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Which one, if conditions are such that the principle margin of adjustment is the number of working

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and not in work week length, the aggregate elasticity is much larger than the individual elasticity's.

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This is confirmed by observations.

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If they were the same there'd be a puzzle, there'd be a deviation from theory, there would be an inconsistency.

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Because empirically the principle margin is the number of working, so both individual and aggregate observations are consistent.

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There would be a puzzle if these elasticity's were equal. Other aggregate observations are also relevant.

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There used to be only data basis for the US and maybe UK but now it's so easy to access them

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for just about any country in the world.

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Across countries there's large difference in market hours per working age person.

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And in the marginal effective tax rates across countries and also across time within a given country.

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These observations give a tight estimate of the aggregate supply elasticity.

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This estimate is the same as the one based on the business cycle observations.

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Things had to be consistent, you can't have one set of assumptions to nail this correlation

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and then you go on and say I've done it.

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Then create a different inconsistent set to nail some other observations and say now we understand why this is.

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The 2, the assumptions you make have to be, you know restricted by observation and be consistent.

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And we got to build, it's a cumulative.

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The big current development in aggregate labour supply theory is the determination of the fraction of life time worked.

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We heard a lot about retirement, people are getting older, even you young economists,

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it's predictable that every year you'll get a year older. You can't insure against that.

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It is important for predicting the consequence of pension reform.

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Rogerson and Wallenius, and Wallenius done this, Wallenius is here, she has major contribution

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and maybe she should be the one up here.

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The typo is, the editor must have, it's LEN, not M, she's at the Stockholm school of economics.

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Well the macro cross countries, that's a 45 degree line, this goes off the margin rate

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as substitution equal the marginal rate of transformation for the aggregate production function

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and the aggregate utility flow function. It's not that the French are lazy, it's just that they have high tax rates.

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And there's no free parameters here, there's one actually, that's all but that's common to all the countries.

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The major business cycle findings, their optional responses to real shocks, taxes and demography and productivity are real.

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Attempts to stabilise the economy are misguided and will just add a lot of confusion and noise

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and uncertainty which will have cost. By the way this simple model predicts that Finn and I used and Handson simplified,

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predicts well until a big puzzle arose in the '90's, in the decade.

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What happened in the '90's, when briefing the president of the Minneapolis federal reserve bank

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we said why were people working so damn much, did they get a contagious case of workaholism.

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There wasn't any cut in taxes, there wasn't any major labour market reforms.

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But the productivity was up, that's GDP per hour, per market hour was only up modestly.

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Yet ours was way up. In terms of the boom normally 2/3 hours 1/3 productivity.

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In that boom 125% hours, 25% productivity. That problem bothered me for 10 years before being resolved.

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Ellen McGrattan and I looked at the stock market and found that to really get the fundamentals intangible capital

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is big time, that is as big time as tangible capital, the things that show up in the national accounts.

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The things that are capitalised.

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Intangible capital is R&N, the developing new products, building an organisation.

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And one of the most important of them all is investment in the human capital of young people on the job.

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Part of that is financed by businesses and that is specific to that business.

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That is capital of that business. The other part is, Paul Romer calls it rival human capital.

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You can walk down the street with your great skills and get an even higher paying job at another university

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or other research centre.

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When I say predict and actual close, what do I mean by that, we take productivity, population and tax rates as exogenous,

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and initial capital stock.

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We construct the equilibrium path under a perfect foresight assumption which is an incorrect assumption.

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People don't have perfect foresight.

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We of course run some experiments and found out that if we, were we generated data artificially on the computer,

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that we knew how people, what the rational expectation, expectation scheme were.

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And the question is how different were the path based upon this incorrect assumption and the one based upon the correct one.

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We created that economy.

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By the way you create your economies, your gods, you have people in your economy and they're artificial

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but they're useful for building economic intuition.

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We learned that by, and it turned out that the predicted and actual were quite close until we hit the 90's

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and then there was a huge deviation from theory. Deviations from theory drives the development of theory.

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That's not just, that's true of any hard science which aggregate economics has become.

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There is cases where the expectations do matter.

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Ellen McGrattan has, it's going to be an important, I expect, paper and using it to the great contraction in 1930,

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about 25% and the not so great contraction that we recently experienced of the order of 10%.

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Now questions about the 1990 boom, we have to look at why were corporate accounting profits so low.

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By the way corporate accounting profits are high now.

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Why were they low, everybody knows that it was a boom then? The MBA's were dropping out of business school.

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Why? They wanted to become entrepreneurs, start businesses, get rich, create social surplus.

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And why were people working so much? I say no tax cut, no labour market reform. And I did say that it bothered me for a decade.

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The resolution was the intangible investment introduced, this was important to get of a theory

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the fundamental value of the stock market that works so well for the secular movements of the stock market relative to the GDP.

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In the UK it varied by a factor of 3 in the 1960 to 2000 period.

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Most things, ratios relative to GDP, the variations are small and it was 21/2 times in the US.

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When you look at the value of many corporations, Coca-Cola is worth a lot more than its factories,

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it's that little formula in the safe in Atlanta, the formula for making Coca-Cola,

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the brand name is, but there's also Weaties and Cheerios, General Mills, Microsoft,

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Sysco, oh I guess now what's the corporation worth the most, I think I read it was Apple.

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They have a lot of technology, no how, brand names that is embodied within the organisation.

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And this form of capital is important. It was needed to account for the behaviour of the stock market.

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Essentially the value of the stock market equals the value of the product of assets,

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tangible and intangible at the cost of these to the owners in terms of their consumption.

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Taxes and institutional arrangements matter and matter a lot there.

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But we do, we introduce that and we said, well let's let the productivities be different in these 2 activities.

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One of producing tangible capital, buildings, machines, etc. and vehicles, another was intangible capital.

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We residually determined those 2 productivity series and treated them as exogenous.

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There was a wealth of evidence that they were, you sort of see the way they shift the people,

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we went down and looked at these household surveys and what occupations people are in,

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either in the industries that start, occupations that make major investments in activities

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that are part of the investments in this intangible capital. And yes there was a big shift.

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And by the way the NSF publishes R&D numbers which is an important component of intangible capital investment, not stock.

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And there's a problem of making up a depreciation rate to get up to a stock.

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We could only measure net investment.

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But it turned out the depreciation rate for our purposes, the results were insensitive to that.

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If they were, they were. And we couldn't say, in our method it would be not that useful.

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We even looked at the time profile of wholly owned American subsidiaries.

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You know US corporations, the ones that are publicly traded, they produce about, schedule C corporations,

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they produce half the output, these are the ones that pay corporate income tax.

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There's a big component, sizable component of corporations that distribute everything to their owners,

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workers and it gets treated as ordinary income for tax purposes.

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And they pay no corporate income tax. The schedule S corporations. But now I'm going to talk about the schedule C.

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Nearly half of the profits of American corporations according to accounting profits

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come from American wholly owned foreign subsidiaries, in 10% of their, a little bit over 10% of their investment.

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Any accountant should be worried about and wonder what's going on.

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The thing though is this expensive investment reduces your accounting profits.

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Intangible investment is not counted as part of output. And that lowers the profit.

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And these foreign subsidiaries are not very profitable accounting wise initially

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because that's when their big intangible investment is being made. And later on they get profitable.

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We didn't think we could get those statistics from the IRS and we couldn't.

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It would be easy to carry out the exercise but there's confidentiality problems.

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Fortunately we found some people that had looked at these statistics and it was in dramatic conformity.

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But where does this thing show up, these capital gains. Capital gains are not part of measured output.

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But you can see something about the capital gains by studying the balance sheet, the flow of funds,

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statistics have the household balance sheets and we can see the holding period or the private sector, there's foundations,

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non profits are with the household sector though there's a small part.

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And this holding period gains are just of the right magnitude. Normally about 2% a year of GDP.

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In the late '90's they went up to 6% so they were under measuring output by an abnormally low large amount.

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By the way in the 1990's we all knew the economy boomed.

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Here's sort of the, using the naïve model without intangible capital.

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Actually the red line per capita hours, blue line predicted per capita hours.

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Big deviation. Put the intangible capital in, things fit almost like a glove.

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By the way you could always introduce enough preference parameters to fit any set of observations.

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Why do Europeans work 30% less than Americans, at least until recently and in other advanced industrial countries?

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Some people say western Europeans just get more disutility from work or more utility from vacations,

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they're not that different is my working, my maintained hypothesis.

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And the Europeans used to work as much as, western Europeans as the people in the other advanced industrial countries.

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It's not a contagious case of laziness. Rely on that is, in the animal spirits and like, that's not science.

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We have a factor that we can go out there and measure, tax rates.

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Europeans have 60% marginal effective tax rates while the rest of the world has 40% and that's enough,

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that gives that predicted difference.

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Now everybody says financial crisis, financial crisis, that's why the US economy is in the tanks,

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I say no, I say the Fed and the treasury and the European central banks and other institutions did a great job

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in September of 2008 avoiding a liquidity crisis.

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There used to be regular liquidity crisis prior to the formation of the Federal Reserve Bank in 1913, every 4 or 5 years,

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every 5 years about. The institutions we set up did not serve us well then.

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There would have been some real disruption to the economy. People tried desperately to come up with the model of this.

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That is sort of consistent with individual and aggregate observation, they failed.

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And these people are good people so it's not, lack of talent it is not the reason.

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By the way there's been, using this model we looked at the great depressions, Cole and Ohanian initiated this in about,

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very late 1990's. They broke a taboo and looked at the great depression using this neoclassical growth model.

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Using the same methodology we systemically, a number of people, examined 16 great depressions.

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The US current depression and the Italy's depression in the 1930's were not so great depressions,

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they didn't quite hit that big magnitude that we insisted for great. These depressions are not a thing of the past.

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And I could list a number of, Switzerland had their great depression and New Zealand in 1970 to 1995.

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Chile and Mexico beginning in the 1980's, Chile recovered, Mexico didn't.

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And there's lots of open puzzles associated with the depression. What happened in that 1930, why did people stop investing.

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Some people say they couldn't get money to invest, why did these businesses make these huge distribution to the owners.

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Dividends went way, way up. Investment is mostly financed by retained earnings for corporations.

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They had access to the money or else they wouldn't distribute it to the owners.

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It's a puzzle that's been bothering me for so long.

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I think that back in 1976 I heard the LeRoy-Porter paper in Madison Wisconsin,

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summery econometric society meetings on this excess volatility. And Shiller independently made the same observation.

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That puzzle is still open. And when one of you resolve it, call me up, please.

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Well the secular path, I mentioned that already. Another big puzzle, why are there such large gains from openness.

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There's been a really exciting development in trade initiated by Eaton and Kortum.

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And they're matching up with the micro observations at the firm level.

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These are in the comparative advantage tradition.

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There is also the increasing returns of Dixit-Stiglitz model extended by Krugman to international trade.

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And also the classical one.

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By the way all these models, when people were restricted to observation, observed flows, give way too small gains from trade.

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I like this figure, these are Madison numbers, the GGDC Geary-Khamis purchasing power parity.

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EU productivity relative to the US, I use productivity because at the later part hours in Europe fell relatively.

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The Europeans are, western Europeans are, used to only be about 55% as productive as the Americans for about 50 years,

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prior to world war 11.

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Since 1957 Treaty of Rome, the original EU 6 caught up and has stayed up there in terms of productivity.

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Why? The late joiners, my friends from Poland and this is one of the important,

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the biggest country in this set and met some of you people from Estonia at dinner last night and had fascinating discussion.

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There's rapid catch up occurring. This is GDP per capita. In Western Europe it's about 70%.

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In Japan as well. But the predicted gains from openness are far smaller.

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You know you see this big gain, your theory predicts this amount, what do you do, you scratch your head and become bald.

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If not trade then what. Well Ellen McGrattan and I extended the growth model to, well Schumpeter said

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you need it for endogenising technology development, you need a monopoly rents.

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And that's why everybody goes at monopolistic competition model.

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We developed a different way to do it, that stays within competitive equilibrium,

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the convex cones that we use in macroeconomics that all the growth accounting builds on,

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it's so easy to interact with the data, the extensions. We introduced the concept of a location.

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And there's location rents. And we add the composite output. We got a lot bigger gains but it's still way too small.

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So that did not. It seemed to be that the diffusion of knowledge is so important and people are trying like mad using that

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and modelling that in a productive way.

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Another thing is competition. Empirically competition is associated with higher productivity.

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Our iron mines up northern Minnesota, productivity doubled in 1982 without any new technology, just change in work rules.

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Why did that happen, the Brazilian mines came on line and just that threat of competition was sufficient

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to increase the productivity of the mines in northern Minnesota and in Canada and in Sweden for that matter.

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It didn't happen in Australia until 10 years later, that's when the Indian iron ore mines came on line and provided,

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well this is empirical, it's not theoretical.

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And having some better theory there of why these decentralised mechanisms empirically work so much better.

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So I conclude. My charge to the next generation of economists, you, make our science an even better one.

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I know you will and I think you'll have fun doing this, it's a good profession that we're in, society treats us great.

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We live longer, we don't have to be in those tense organisations and we get the chance to,

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as soon as the students get beyond their qualifying exams, the first year, they're colleagues.

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And I learn so much from them. Any course I teach I tell the students I want to learn more than you learn.

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It's just a good time that you've chose to go into this field.

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And the little financial crisis have been, the economic crisis have been good, a lot of good people are going into economics now.

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And you're the lifeblood of an economics department.

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Thank you.

